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Book: Common Sense by Thomas Paine.txt
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ish countries. For monarchy in every instance is
the Popery of government.
To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession;
and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the
second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition
on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth
could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference
to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent
degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be
far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural
proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature
disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into
ridicule by giving mankind an ass for a lion.
Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors
than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could
have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they
might say "We choose you for our head," they could not, without
manifest injustice to their children, say "that your children and
your children's children shall reign over ours for ever." Because
such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the
next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool.
Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated
hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which
when once established is not easily removed; many submit from fear,
others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the
king the plunder of the rest.
This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had
an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we
take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their
first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better
than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage
manners or pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief
among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his
depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their
safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no
idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a
perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and
unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore,
hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take
place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental;
but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditional
history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a
few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently
timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of
the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to
threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one
(for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced
many at first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it
happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was
submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right.
England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but
groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his
senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a
very honorable one. A Frenc
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